TRANSCRIPTS OF EU
PETITIONS COMMITTEE MEETING
Discussing
Petition Number 0013/2008
On
Breaches
of, inter alia,
the
SEA,
EIA and HABITATS
Directives
in
the planning and approval of
a Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) Regasifcation Terminal on the Shannon
Estuary,
Ireland.
Chrysoula
PALIADELI M.E.P. Group of the
Progressive Alliance of Socialists and
Democrats in the European Parliament Member Greece Panhellenic
Socialist
Movement :
We are moving from Sardinia to Ireland, but the
topic
is similar – Liquid Natural Gas. And we have Mr. McElligott who is
going to
presenting this petition. You have the Floor Sir.
John McElligott
(Safety Before LNG) :
Thank
you.
Ms.
Chairman,
Thank
you for affording me the opportunity
of speaking here today.
We
have two main issues of concern
about the Shannon LNG project. Firstly, no Strategic Environmental
Assessment was
undertaken. And, secondly, no Marine Risk Assessment was undertaken.
On
the first issue, the lack of a Strategic
Environmental Assessment:
Articles
1 and 3 of the SEA Directive
clearly require that an environmental assessment is carried out of
plans which
are “likely to have significant effects on the environment” or which
set a “framework
for development consent” of projects such as LNG terminals.
The
facts are as follows: The Shannon
LNG project was first announced in 2006 in the Irish Parliament, with
Shannon
LNG paying almost half a million euros for the land purchase at that
time. This
was a project, therefore, which any neutral observer would have to say
was at
least likely to go ahead.
However,
the framework which
would allow the Shannon LNG project to proceed successfully at the
development
consent stage would not exist until the rural land was first rezoned to
‘Industrial’.
A problematic and
time-consuming Strategic Environmental Assessment was avoided to the
benefit of
the developers by simply not mentioning the Shannon LNG project in the
rezoning
wording in March 2007.
I
now ask you to interpret the words
“likely” as per Article
1 and
“framework for development consent”
as per Article 3 and determine if
they cover the land rezoning consequences for the Shannon LNG project
as I just
described.
A
draft Strategic Plan for the
development of the Shannon Estuary has now been published thanks in
part, we
believe, to the continued oversight shown by the EU in this petition.
However,
this plan is highly limited because it cannot now assess alternatives
to the
LNG project which has already obtained planning permission. This means
that the
most sizeable hazard in Ireland which will sterilise large areas of the
Shannon
Estuary has slipped through the net and cannot be strategically
assessed unless
the EU rules in favour of this petition.
Now,
On, the second issue, the lack of
a Marine Risk Assessment:
The
Irish authorities have stated to
the Commission that they were sufficiently advised by the Irish ‘Health
and Safety Authority’ (the
H.S.A.) on the marine
aspects of the Shannon LNG project.
However,
this is extremely misleading
because the advice only related to the situation where an LNG ship was
docked
at the LNG site.
The
advice did not deal with the
dangers posed by the travelling hazard which is LNG ships travelling up
the
estuary waters outside of the LNG terminal area.
I
have now submitted documentary proof
to this effect which I ask you to assess.
I
would also like to point out that
The Petitions Committee has already dealt with a very similar petition
for the
two Milford Haven LNG terminals in the Cleddau Estuary in Wales. In
that case
you found in 2011 that a Marine Risk Assessment should have been
carried out
under the EIA Directive and the EU Commission even issued a formal
notice to
the British authorities on the matter. I now respectfully
request, in the
interest of fairness, that you apply the precedent created by the
Milford Haven
LNG petition 354
of 2006 here.
Please also note
that, unlike at Milford Haven, the Shannon LNG project
has not yet even started construction so time is on your side.
Without a Marine
Risk Assessment, we cannot know what the safety,
environmental and cumulative impacts of LNG traffic and exclusion zones
on the
Shannon Estuary would be until after completion of the project.
This will stop
the Shannon Estuary from reaching its full development
potential.
The HSA has
clearly stated, for example, that the advice it gave
excludes any assessment of the other type of port facilities that could
be
allowed next to the LNG terminal.
We feel very
strongly that the Irish planning authorities should not be
allowed to ignore both the spirit and the letter of EU planning laws to
which
they have signed up for the sole benefit of the Cayman-Islands based
promoters
of such a dangerous LNG project.
I
am therefore here to request that
you keep my petition open in order to assess the further detailed
information I
have just submitted via email on the proposed Shannon LNG project in
Ireland
because we feel that there is a regulatory gap in the way the EIA
Directive is
transposed into Irish and UK law and that this is being manifested in a
repeated pattern of no marine risk assessments in Wales or Ireland for
LNG
terminal projects.
Thank you
Chrysoula
PALIADELI
M.E.P.M.E.P. Group of the Progressive Alliance of
Socialists and
Democrats in the European Parliament Member Greece Panhellenic
Socialist
Movement :
From the
Commission Mrs. Paine.
Mrs.
Paine, EU Commission:
Great, Thank you
very much for the opportunity to
listen directly to the Petitioner.
Obviously this
petition has been aready going on
for a very long time. We prepared 5 communications to the Petitions
Committee.
The issues regarding, raised by the petitioner, regarded the EIA
Directive, the
SEA Directive, Habitats Directive and as well Seveso Directive. And we
have, in
order to examine this petition had to open the Pilot Investigation with
the
Irish Authorities. We met with them as well to discuss the issues
mentioned by
the petitioner. And also we started an Infringement Procedure which
was, which
regarded SEA Directive. It was not resulting directly from the petition
but it
was related as well.
And I will only
reflect on the 2 issues raised
today by the petitioner. Thank you for sending yesterday your
introduction. It
was very helpful.
The lack of a
Strategic Environmental Assessment.
Obviously, For most of the land use
plans which provide,
set the framework for projects requiring EIA such plans and programmes
would be
subjected to the full Environmental Assessment. But the EC Directive
gives also
the member states margin of discretion in Article 3.3 for the plans
which
determine the use of small areas at the local level or minor
modifications of
plans of programmes, there is the possibility for not carrying out a
full strategic
environmental assessment but to carry out an SEA screening which means
classification, a procedure to identify whether a full EIA, SEA is
needed or
not. In this case Irish authorities carried an SEA screening for the
rezoning
of the Kerry Council County Plan and the conclusion was negative, which
means
they decided that there is no need for the full SEA. This margin of
discretion
was based for the screening was related also to the threshold in SEA
legislation – Irish legislation – which referred to
the size of the population 10,000
inhabitants for such areas covering 10,000 population, there was need
for SEA.
The conclusion was negative. What can we do in this situation right
now? The
Infringement which was addressed to Ireland, as regards the SEA
Directive,
concluded that the thresholds were too high. The thresholds have been
changed.
As well there have been introduced changes to the SEA, to the
transposition of
the SEA Directive in Ireland and Irish authorities committed themselves
to be
more rigorous.
The Commission is
closely following this case so
the issue is… this is not a black and white situation with this SEA
screening,
whether full or SEA should be required or only screening .That’s why we
don’t
really have as a Commission very clear evidence really, that we have
strong
arguments to show that there is a clear breach of the SEA Directive in
this
particular case as regards the screening.
I imagine at the
moment with the new legislation,
this would never happen any more. It would be full SEA most probably if
not SEA
screening.
As regards Marine
Assessment, we have received
information from the Irish authorities that the Quantitative Risk
Assessment
has been carried out for the facility. It regarded the onshore facility
and it
was done also in the context of the Seveso Directive. But we also
looked at the
environmental impact statement and the environmental impact assessment
documentation and in fact we found out that in this documentation there
is also
assessment of risk resulting from the shipment of LNG ships so such an
assessment we can see that there are elements of marine risk assessment
than
within the environmental impact assessment. So we don’t really have to
take
information to what extent this assessment is deficient or not. You
mentioned
that….
John McElligott
(Safety Before LNG) :
Yes, because we
were saying that they presented an assessment under the
guise of a Marine Risk Assessment, but it was actually a navigational
assessment proving that the ships could come up the estuary. But there
was no
account taken of any of the risks posed by those ships. And now in
Milford
Haven. The Milford Haven issue. When the European Commission…. They
were coming
to the idea of applying shipping route risk contours as you would have
on the
land to the shipping routes in Milford Haven issue. So the idea was
that at the
moment land use planning, you create risk contours around a project and
you say
within this contour you can have a certain type of development. But
there was
absolutely nothing done on the water. So, proving that they could get
the ship
up the estuary was not the same as saying what other projects could
take place
like a deep-water port facility that could rival Rotterdam – that kind
of idea.
They have never looked at would that shipping affect those plans. And
even
SIGTTO, their own regulatory bodies, they say there should be no ship
within
500 metres either side of any LNG ship travelling on the estuary. The
estuary
is only a mile wide at either side of the ships. So once the ships are
in the
estuary, technically nothing else can travel. So the EIA did not cover
those
issues. And that is why I was asking you to look at the marine risk
assessment
and the effect it would have on other projects in the Estuary.
Mrs.
Paine, EU
Commission:
Um-hum. So I
follow up maybe on your… thank you
very much. Obviously, there are some elements.
According to the Commission there are some
elements of a marine risk
assessment. It is not that there was nothing there in the Environmental
Impact
Assessment. The issue is whether the Commission should be now a
technical body
examining those different LNG terminals and the way how marine risks
have been
assessed. And also obviously, to what extent it will compare the
documentation
from the Welsh case with the Irish case; to what extent this is a
matter of
good practice of the planning authorities and risk and safety
authorities and
to what extent this is the issue of the compliance with the EU
Environmental
legislation – in this case the Environmental Impact Assessment. I am
aware on
the basis of the petition communication to the petition for the UK case
that
now the additional maps, risk assessment maps, are being drawn for the
offshore
areas. The issue is to what extent this could be imposed for example
for the
Shannon Estuary and whether we could go beyond the requirements of the
EIA
Directive in this case or it would fit into the requirements of the EIA
Directive. So thank you. I imagine that we will have obviously to
examine your
arguments and detailed submission which was provided together with your
overview, So Thank you. For now, thank you.
Paul
MURPHY
MEP.
Confederal Group
of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Ireland Socialist Party :
Thanks
very much
and thanks to the petitioner and to the Commission. I think that this
petition
forms part of a pattern, an unfortunate pattern, in Ireland whereby you
have major
projects pursued by major corporations, often oil and gas corporations,
which
pose serious health, safety and environmental risks. And that they are
developed in areas that are quite uninhabited, quite isolated. But that
the
wishes of those inhabitants, who should have the same rights as
everyone else
are entirely ignored. And that these corporations feel they are able to
simply
ignore them. And that the governments, all too often unfortunately, go
along
with that same line.
It
seems from what
the Commission is saying that to some extent was enshrined in
legislation in
the sense of the need for Strategic Environmental Assessment being a
limit
being hit at a population of 10,000 people. Which seems to me a bit
incredible
in a sense of what are we saying? That people who don’t live in
highly-populated areas have less rights than those who do?
Obviously
the
most infamous example of this is the development of Rossport in the
west of
Ireland. But there are other cases. As we have heard here before. The
case of
Aughnish again beside the Shannon Estuary and where you know it’s just
people’s
concerns are ignored. But also, it seems that there are major problems
in the
case of the process and the case of the Directives.
It
seems from
that the Commission is saying. If the Commission is saying that this
wouldn’t
happen now given the change in the legislation in Ireland in terms of
that
there would be a proper strategic environmental assessment that that’s
an
argument really that there has been a certain injustice done here where
that
hasn’t taken place. The government has taken some measures now to
correct the
legislation but that there is no reason that this community should
suffer
because the project, the beginnings of the process of the project, were
started
in advance of the legislation being changed. They should be entitled to
a
Strategic Environmental Assessment. And also from what the petitioner
is
saying, it’s clear that half of a marine risk assessment or a quarter
of a
marine risk assessment is insufficient. It’s clear that an LNG terminal
has
major ramifications. Not only onshore, but also offshore. And that
deserves to
be assessed properly.
I
think, I would
ask I mean obviously for people’s opinions, but it would be good if we
could
keep the petition open obviously. But also if we could incorporate it
into the
visit to Ireland I think planned for next September. I think it could
make... it
would be good obviously for members to see the situation there but also
it
would assist with those who are involved in campaigning on the issue in
Ireland.
Thanks
a lot.
Chrysoula
PALIADELI M.E.P.
Group of the
Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European
Parliament
Member Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement :
Thank you very much. Would you
like to add something Mr…? Oh, yes Mr. Bostinaru
Victor
BOŞTINARU M.E.P. Member
Group of the Progressive
Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in
the European Parliament Romania Partidul Social Democrat:
You see
this morning we have been discussing about the amendments to the
Environmental
Impact Assessment. And now at least in the 3 cases we can already prove
how
important it is to amend the Environmental Impact Assessment so to
prevent
problems as the one we are discussing now.
And now,
looking to the content of the petition. We do have a precedent. It’s
Milford
Haven. If it was good in the Welsh case why it’s not that good in the
Irish
one? That shows, clearly shows, that the way in which the Strategic
Environmental
Impact Assessment it’s meant poses problems. Raises question marks. In
one
place it’s good, in other not… and then…. Why do not make it to happen
and to
be implemented in each similar case? Because this should not be
negotiable.
Number 2.
Definitely, the petition
should remain open.
And thirdly, I
will ask the
Commission to be even more vigilant because looking in
to the content of
the petition we
can see “Cayman-Island “ – based investors / promoters. When, I have
not
against with the investors coming out from Cayman Islands. But I do
have
something. Because how to make sure that their liability will be a real
one? How
to make sure that once a catastrophe may produce, somebody will cover
the
financial cost to address and to redress the damages?
Usually, as my
culture is not
that sophisticated in terms of fiscal havens, usually they disappeared.
After 1, 2 years
they just
vanished. And you may find a mailbox, somewhere, which will never
answer to any
letters being signed by the President of the European Commission or by
the
president of the European Parliament. This is the habit. So what? The
liability, the financial guarantees should be considered because if a
catastrophe will happen and the damages will be at the large scale
somebody
should pay because there is a basic principle: polluter pays. And with
my… in
my report, on the
cohesion for the
regulation I did enhance the possibility the principle polluter pays
should be
properly used. And not to give the possibility that EU money to cover
the cost
for similar cases. So the Commission should be consistent with the
principle
polluter pays and to make sure that financial guarantees and the
liability
should be solved. Because usually, in that particular case, I am not
that
confident. Definitely not. And please remember this is not the Mexican
Gulf
case and United States versus British Petroleum. You know very well how
much
money they were obliged to pay as compensation. Who will gonna pay in
that case
if something will happen?
And here, it’s
also an obligation
not only on the member state to make sure that the European Commission
as the
one who guarantees the proper implementation of the Treaties, should
make sure
that those principles should be permanently and constantly properly
implemented. Thank you.
Chrysoula
PALIADELI
M.E.P.. Group of the
Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European
Parliament
Member Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement :
Thank you very
much Mr. Bosinaru.
I think that was a very wise completion of the discussion. I have a
suggestion
to make to both of you because you are the only from the Petitions
Committee
still here.
I think that some
important
petitions such as the ones we have being dealing with this morning
could be
sent to the ENV Committee because they could produce or find out gaps
that they
might legislatively feel. so do you agree?
Peter
Jahr: M.E.P. Group of
the European People's Party (Christian Democrats); Christlich
Demokratische
Union Deutschlands
I agree on
condition that we see
to it that we get a reply in a timely fashion. I am very interested in
the
Committee’s position. We don’t need the answer in 6 month’s time.
That’s what I
would suggest that you do Ms. Chairman.
Chrysoula
PALIADELI
M.E.P. Group of the
Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European
Parliament
Member Greece Panhellenic Socialist Movement :
I thank you all.
|